It’s one of the first things that anyone asks when I explain the basic premises of technosocialism. If you don’t have some sort of currency and traditional individual-to-individual exchange, how can you accumulate the capital required to undertake any sort of major project? It’s a good question, and one that requires some thinking to solve. But it also involves getting our definitions clear, so let’s get that out of the way first.
By capital, I do not mean the modern idea of a big chunk of money used to get an enterprise started, or the related idea of a chunk of money one wishes to invest. While we’re at it, this essay will include no discussion whatsoever of the government headquarters of nations or the tops of ornamental columns. While ornamental columns can be far more interesting than most people might think, none of these understandings of the word capital are relevent to this particular discussion. The modern automatic linkage between capital and money is not actually required. Adam Smith defined capital as the means to productively maintain a laborer until such time as he could sell his wares, or the money required to purchase the same. In other words, the capital a weaver requires is a loom, enough yarn to weave a bolt of cloth, and enough food to feed himself while doing so. The “or the money to buy it” is almost an afterthought. The money has no purpose other than to be exchanged for the wool and the food, which is the actual capital required for the task.
Great! Less than 300 words into the essay, and we’ve solved the problem. Time to go play computer games. Unfortunately, we’re not quite there yet. While accumulating capital without money turns out to be easy, accumulating capital without the organizing force of a government or corporation is a much trickier problem, and the one that needs to be solved before technosocialism can become a viable system.
Accumulation of capital requires two main types of oversight: decisionmaking and coordination. These functions in our modern system are generally performed by corporate or government beaurocracies made up of people who do little else. One of the primary goals of technosocialism is to reduce this type of unproductive labor as much as possible. Let’s follow the course of a single capital-intensive project through all of it’s various stages to see how the process can be democratised and the need for such beaurocracies eliminated.
Bill lives on the edge of town, and he and a number of his neighbors have noticed a need for a pedestrian bridge across a nearby stream to a park on the other side. He calls up George, who he met while building an earswab factory several essays ago, and asks if he would be willing to figure out a basic design and set of material and labor requirements for the bridge. George draws up some plans and determines that the project will require X amount of wood, steel, and labor. Bill creates an official Civic Proposal in the proposal system and enters the information given to him into that system. The system runs the relevant calculations and lets him know that for the year, the bridge would take .0019% of the city’s wood planks, .024% of the city’s steel I-beams, .0001% of the cement, .0016% of the manual construction labor, and .002% of the skilled construction labor. (I should note that these numbers are completely made up. I have no idea how much of the materials it would take to build a bridge, or what the average steel production of a medium sized city is. It’s just an example.) The system then finds the cost component that most clearly meets the following criteria: largest share of the total project cost with the highest percentage of the city’s resources. In this case, the clear choice is the steel. Steel is a major component in building the bridge, and because it is a fairly fixed resourve, demand for it is fairly high and shortages of it fairly frequent. Thus the iron becomes the “bottleneck” material for the project. Because the bridge will use 0.24% of the city’s iron resources for the year, Bill must now get .024% of the city’s population to add their support to the bridge proposal. And because people are often more willing to support civic projects with their voices than with their wallets, he must also raise pledges from that .024% to cover 10% of the total cost of the project through charges to their personal Consumption scores. For example, as a relatively wealthy citizen and the organizer of the project, Bill might wish to set an example by pledging a significant amount towards the building of the bridge. He might offer a specific amount to be charged against his Consumption score, or he might agree to be charged for 1% of the total cost of the project. Either way, he is accepting personal responsibility for part of the cost of the project. By requireing that supporters have some skin in the game, and that the segment of the population who is requesting the project contribute significantly to its construction, we help ensure that projects are only undertaken when society has a genuine need for them.
So Bill has entered the bridge project into the Civic Proposal system, and he and his neighbors are out looking for supporters and pledging contributors. It turns out that one of the neighbors who gets involved is an engineer with more bridge experience than George, who points out some design changes that strengthen the bridge while requiring less steel. The new plans lower the steel required to .022% of the city’s steel resources. This in turn lowers both the number of people needed as supporters and the amount that must be raised in pledges. But while this is going on, a problem has arisen. Citizens living on the other side of the stream who currently have access to the park are worried that the bridge and the increased traffic it will bring will spoil the look of the park, and they have begun organizing against the bridge project.
Here’s where it gets tricky. It’s important for citizens to be able to oppose projects as well as support them, but balancing the sides fairly can be difficult. The rules need to be balanced such that citizens have the power to prevent disruption and unwelcome change to their communities without giving an activist contrarian minority the ability to halt all progress. This is my way of saying that the numbers in the next paragraph will probably need to be fine-tuned, but it’s the mechanism that’s important.
Imaginary City, where all of these examples take place, has a population of four hundred thousand people. So the .022% of the population that Bill needs to get as supporters works out to about 88 people. So far he has found 60 supporters. and the folks on the other side have found 25 opponents. Every two opponents adds one additional supporter to the number required before a proposal passes. So with a base requirement of 88 plus an added requirement of 12, Bill still needs 40 supporters for his proposal to be accepted.
You’ve probably spotted an inequality here. Supporters are asked to contribute materially by making pledges charged against their own Consumption score. All opponents have to do is say no. This is one of the reasons for the 2:1 ratio. And by increasing the percentage of the total project costs covered by the personal Consumption accounts of supporters, the pro team can increase that ratio. For every 5% of the total pledged beyond the required 10%, the ratio is increased by one. A project where pledges met 20% of the total cost would only have one additional required supporter for every four opponents registered.
So let’s say now that the bridge opponents have stalled at 25, and Bill and his neighbors have found the required supporters and raised the required pledges. Now that the project has general approval (think of an appropriations bill in our current representative system) it’s time to get engineering approval for the plans to build it (think planning permission and building inspectors). This process is very similar to the approval process for the ear swab factory. A number of engineers and architects with relevent experience are randomly selected, and they review the plans for efficiency and structural integrity. Changes to the plan may be suggested at this point, but in this case George’s plans as revised by Bill’s neighbor pass without further alterations. The bridge is now ready to be built.
During the initial planning stage, and again after the plans were revised, exact information about the materials and labor required to build the bridge were entered into the system. Once the plans have been approved, those requirements are automatically sent to the Market. As the materials become available, the labor required to put them to use is automatically entered into the Skills Needed/Available system, which has been described in an earlier essay. Depending on the size of the project, someone may take official responsibility for accepting deliveries, overseeing work, etc., but by leaving most of the simple coordination to the connected computer systems, nealy all of the labor not directly related to the actual building of the bridge can be eliminated.
I don’t want to paint an entirely rosy picture here. Civic constructoin projects are frequently at the heart of corruption scandals in our current system and I have no doubt that people will try to skew things in their favor in the future. To explore this further, let me introduce Greg. Greg is a construction worker, and while he is quite intelligent, he tends to misuse that intelligence to subvert the system and try to get something for nothing. In this particular case, he has a quantity of concrete mix that he bought when he was planning to expand his porch and now no longer needs. There’s a glut of concrete mix on the Market, so he decides that the best way to get rid of it and earn Contribution credit at the same time is to set up a Civic Proposal for a large block of concrete to be placed on a street corner near his house. That way he gets credit for not only his concrete mix, but also for his labor as a construction worker trained in the pouring of concrete as well.
Being the dastardly negative example that he is, he thinks everything through carefully before he takes any actual action. He keeps the project fairly small so that he only needs a half-dozen supporters to approve the project. He finds the supporters (promising to support similarly make-work projects for them in the future) before enterering anything into the system. Once he has everything lined up, he enters the proposal and has all of his corrupt supporters sign up for it within the next minute, getting it approved before any of his neighbors has the opportunity to object. He then get’s a friend who’s an engineer to sign off on the design, and signs up both to provide the concrete and to pour it as soon as the project hits the Market and SNA, netting himself a tidy profit over the 10% he had to put up front.
At least, that’s how he would like it to go. But there are a number of ways that we can stop him. The most obvious is to create a rule that no instigator or supporter of a project can recieve any Contribution credit from that project in any form. They can contribute uncompensated labor or materials to count towards the 10% threshold, but they cannot profit from it. But Greg is tricky, so he sees that rule and has a friend act as the “front man” for the project as far as the system is concerned. So we can’t fully stop him quite that easily. Let’s move on to his next strategy: rushing through the approval process. This one’s easier to find a fully effective solution for.The addition of a waiting period of a week or two between reaching the required number of supporters and recieving final authorization should allow plenty of time for public comment and opposition to form.
Another tactic Greg used to try to rush things was finding an engineer to sign off on the plans instead of getting approval from the panel. Again, easy to stop. Require every project to get approval from a 2/3rds majority of a randomly selected panel of engineers, no exceptions or requests for certain engineers to take certain cases. Make the pool of engineers as wide as possible, by including all qualified people in the country regardless of location. And keep the panel annonymous throughout the decision-making process to avoid bribery attempts or threats.
As for signing up to provide concrete and labor as soon as the needs hit their respective systems, that probably cannot be stopped, but it doesn’t necessarily need to be. If we can stop the creation of make-work projects, and the very structure of the Market and SNA systems ensure that all labor and materials are compensated at market value without any sort of artificial inflation, than the only time there would be significant competition for the opportunity to offer materials or labor would be at a time of massive oversupply of those materials or labor, which by definition would set the price paid for them very low. Because technosocialism guarentees all citizens their basic Material Rights even when they cannot find ways of earning Contribution credit, most people would rather live modestly than scrabble for scarce jobs, and the oversupply would soon correct itself through changes in occupation, switches to intellectual or artistic pursuits, or workers simply taking time off until the market improves.
I’ve done my best to foresee problems that might arise through the human drive for inequality, but it’s a bit like playing chess with myself. It’s an intellectual exercise, but it will nearly always end in stalemate and will never be as interesting or productive as an actual game between two opponents. With this in mind, there are two more features that I’d like to touch on briefly before bringing the essay to a close. First of all, everything described here can be changed and adjusted using the standard technosocialist model of direct democracy. If loopholes are found, they can be fixed as soon as they are discovered by honest citizens. In addition, cases of blatent bribery or fraud can be turned over to law enforcement. How is it possible to have a law enforcement system without a government is a complicated issue, and one which I am conveniently going to leave to another essay.